• (Français) La Tunisie des frontières : Jihad et contrebande

    (Français) International Crisis Group | novembre 2013 — Le soulèvement populaire qui a fait chuter le régime de Ben Ali a contribué à la création d’un « vide » sécuritaire en Tunisie qui est menacé par le retour inéluctable des combattants tunisiens du front Syrien. Il est urgent que le gouvernement tunisien œuvre à la mise en place de mesures socioéconomiques et sécuritaires visant à réduire la porosité des frontières. Les carences sécuritaires aux frontières impliquent la nécessité de l’augmentation des contrôles frontaliers ainsi que du développement des capacités de renseignement. Cependant, il faut également que le gouvernement développe des programmes de réinsertion sociale pour les combattants revenant du front Syrien pour préparer l’avenir politique du pays.

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  • The Dynamics for Transition in Tunisia and Their Implications on the Economy

    By Mondher Ben Ayed, Legatum Institute | June 2013 — In the years preceding the Arab Spring, Tunisia seemed poised to transition from a state-controlled economy to a free-market economy. However, three major economic problems derailed this process and fueled some of the discontent that sparked the 2011 uprising: the development gap between coastal areas and more impoverished inland regions; a rising unemployment rate, particularly for youths; and the corrupt business environment, illustrated by the valuable stakes many politically connected individuals held in major businesses. Since the transition, Tunisia has reformed the banking sector and adopted a new investment code, but it must focus on other changes to stimulate private sector employment and reduce inflation. Doing so will improve the chances of a successful political transition.

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  • Transition to Democracy in Tunisia: Where to?

    By Emma Jeblawi, Arab Reform Initiative | February 2013 — More than two years after a popular uprising against a long-standing autocratic government, Tunisia’s transition to democracy has encountered numerous obstacles and delays. New political parties remain polarized and unable to compromise while hardline and jihadist groups have begun to emerge. Human rights protections remain vague and weak, furthering hampering emerging civil society organizations that already lack organizational sophistication. A general sense of fatigue with the transition is settling among Tunisians, raising the prospect that constitutional reforms and future elections will not be viewed as credible or legitimate.

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